[16], The Committee Study of the Central Intelligence Agency's Detention and Interrogation Program, United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Committee Report of the CIA's Detention and Interrogation Program, CIA's destruction of interrogation videotapes, "The Penn Quarter Group - The PQG - Our Leadership", "Torture Report Author Quietly Leaves The Senate", "Investigation into CIA's interrogation program encountered a 'fog of secrecy, "Plan to release report on CIA interrogation tactics prompts warnings", "Senate investigator breaks silence about CIA's 'failed coverup' of torture report", "How 'The Report' Turned a 6,700-Page Torture Investigation Into a Political Thriller", "Audiobook: Executive Summary of the Senate's Torture Report", "Cover Story: America's Most Wanted – Vol. And other strains were evident in the committee’s bipartisanship: a top Republican aide, Kathleen Rice, maintained it would be too onerous to require the CIA to list for the investigators all its black-site detainees. As long as Jones had the document, that is. He would say no. Ultimately, new White House counsel Bauer conveyed verbally to the chairwoman that the CIA would not remove any more documents. The final version of the Panetta Review, Jones said, was more than 1,000 pages long. The National Security Agency, the most powerful and technically sophisticated aspect of US intelligence, tends to send briefers to the Hill who wax loquaciously about the complicated details of its digital surveillance – which lends them an advantage over legislators afraid to admit what they don’t understand. Some of the CIA’s closest rendition partners worked for the world’s most brutal dictators: Syria’s Bashar al-Assad, Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi, Pakistan’s Pervez Musharraf, Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak. Jones spent four years with the Federal Bureau of Investigation before joining the United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence under the leadership of its then-Chairman, Senator Jay Rockefeller. An earlier accord, dated 28 May, also referred to establishing a “share-drive [that] can be segregated with only SSCI access and walled-off CIA IT administrators, except as otherwise authorized by SSCI.” That document was titled Memorandum of Understanding Senate Select Committee on Intelligence’s Review of CIA’s Detention and Interrogation Program – something agency reviews would later claim, as controversy over the inquiry reached a crisis point, did not exist. Copyright 2020 Teach For America, Inc. All rights reserved. These are transients. “We noticed they were gone right away,” Jones said. Confronted, the CIA pointed to the tech consultants. © 2020 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies. They dragged their feet on document requests less. Jones, a committee lawyer named Alissa Starzak and two Republican staffers were tasked with combing through Langley archives and documenting what would have been on the destroyed tapes. She supports corps members with professional development and helps them maximize their leadership potential. Still, some of the Republican members imposed limits on the investigation’s scope: Jones couldn’t look at the Bush White House, just the CIA. But Jones recalls discovering it around 2010 and “pretty immediately” understanding its significance. Even more recently, the CIA had removed hundreds of documents, surreptitiously and in violation of the understanding the committee thought it reached with the agency, from the Senate files. “There was a meeting with [committee] staff and OIG where the General Counsel participated in that role. Sticking to his plan, Jones arrived on the Hill in January 2007, where his intelligence credentials helped find him a place working for Jay Rockefeller, a West Virginia Democrat and the chairman of the Senate intelligence committee. At Teach For America, we know lasting change can happen: All children will get the excellent education they deserve. Lutz would later tell a federal court that “even the post polished versions remained drafts and were subject to change”. “I don’t disagree with it. Since Obama won the presidency in November, human rights groups had spent four months pressing for a reckoning with torture. An aide to Tom Daschle, then the Senate Democratic leader, advised Jones to instead spend several years at a counter-terrorism agency, like the CIA or FBI. An informal understanding had taken hold after years of working together, usually during off-peak hours, so closely that Jones had parking privileges at an agency satellite office not far from its McLean, Virginia, headquarters. … There was a bipartisan consensus that this can’t be the end, there’s got to be a final product, there’s got to be more here.”, I don’t think the CIA even knew what they were giving us. The CIA offer came to look acceptable. While ultimately the classified version of Jones’s report would contain information on CIA renditions, the vast majority of the CIA’s renditions operations – operations that left still-untold numbers of people disappeared, severely wounded, and likely worse – have been lost to history. In October 2009, during a visit to Langley, Jones sought to interview staff from the inspector general’s office, which had investigated interrogations in 2004. [10], In addition to the film, an audiobook of the Executive Summary of the Senate's Torture Report, read by the cast of the film, was released in 2019. The announced inquiry came at an uncomfortable time for the CIA and the White House. The secretive panel, with its longstanding ties to Langley and its Democratic leadership, seemed like a safer option. “This really upset us early on, because it would never have happened if we had conducted this investigation like we conducted every other CIA and intelligence community investigation, which is that it happens at our location, on our computers,” Jones said. The original version said tenure on the Senate intelligence committee is term limited. Jones’s fight with the CIA was just beginning. After years of working together, no one asked him to open the bag. While it has reknit its relationship to the committee, thanks to a GOP leadership that has all but disavowed the torture investigation, it continues to maintain that the torture report is inaccurate. The intelligence committee is a culture all to itself. For the first time we had knowingly violated a CIA agreement, Jones, by accord, had significant access to classified agency material. Some would even complain, in shared frustration with Jones’s team, that their superiors were taking too long to release material. The proposed arrangement discomfited the committee. This is the inside story of the Senate investigation into torture and the crisis with the CIA it spurred. He participated in the Teach for Americaprogram before joining the FBI as an international intelligence analyst in 2003. Jones agreed to provide new details but would not discuss classified information with the Guardian. If the White House and the CIA didn’t like the intelligence committee looking into the CIA’s recent past, they would like an unpredictable 9/11 Commission-style panel and an independent prosecutor far less. By then, the Republican staff had largely withdrawn from the investigation already, with many not bothering to show up to the Virginia facility. [8], Jones' investigative work on the Senate Intelligence Committee was detailed in a three-part series in The Guardian in September 2016. But when the Senate investigators discovered discrepancies between what the cables they read indicated and what CIA leaders represented internally or publicly, they would be unable to solicit answers from the people in question. More detainees ran through it than the at least 119 held at the black sites. But the CIA has gone beyond successfully suppressing the report. Senate investigator breaks silence about CIA's 'failed coverup' of torture report, Daniel Jones: the Senate staffer spied on by the CIA – video, 'A constitutional crisis': the CIA turns on the Senate, No looking back: the CIA torture report's aftermath, Daniel Jones: the Senate staffer spied on by the CIA, look forward as opposed to looking backwards, disappointing liberals over national security, Support the Guardian’s fearless journalism by, This article was amended on 10 September 2016. Behind closed doors, in early June, Feinstein pressed Panetta for access to documents. Simple search terms weren’t retrieving certain records anymore. Preston – who declined comment to the Guardian – finally relented, and an unmonitored meeting occurred the following month. “These cables were the most graphic of all the cables to exist. They would ask Jones if anything he wanted to remove contained real names or cover names of any agency officials, assets or partners, or anything that could compromise an operation. The source of that strain was simple: having read millions of internal emails, cables and accounts of agency torture, Jones had come to believe everything the CIA had told Congress, the Bush and Obama White Houses and the public was a lie. Voices were raised, and Jones’s team marched out of Langley rather than hold the meeting on those terms. In several cases, the volume of documents meant the CIA had already unwittingly turned over copies of documents flagged for executive privilege review – and, once informed of that, the White House attorneys would roll their eyes and move on. The torture report began in such a manner. When it came time for Brennan to talk publicly about the Senate inquiry, long after Jones’s predawn drive, he spent five minutes fitting the CIA’s torturers into the context of 9/11. The committee’s vice-chairman and top Republican, Kit Bond of Missouri, informed Feinstein that GOP members and staff were withdrawing. While there is a limit to how bipartisan or cross-ideological the committee will behave – former staffers are quick to point out that their work still occurs on the hyper-partisan Hill – both senators and staff describe the closed-door committee work as a venue where unity concerning national security can occur.

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